Two recent books offer the English-speaking world a deeper view into the troubling
relationship between Knut Hamsun’s literature, life, and politics. Taken together,
Monika Žagar’s Knut Hamsun: The Dark Side of Literary Brilliance and Ingar Sletten Kolloen’s authoritative biography Knut Hamsun: Dreamer and Dissenter present the reader with a substantial understanding of Hamsun both as a Nobel Prize-winning
author and a fascist thinker who supported Hitler. While Hamsun’s collaboration with
the Nazis during the Second World War has long been a known fact, which has spurred
extensive public and scholarly debates in Scandinavia, the most incisive and detailed
treatment of the subject in English until now has been Robert Ferguson’s 1987 biography
Enigma: The Life of Knut Hamsun. Kolloen’s biography, here made available in a translation of the abridged Norwegian
version, is a major touchstone of recent Hamsun research; it is replete with the need-to-know
facts, events, and samples of text that will aid any scholar and general reader in
their understanding of Hamsun and his ignoble fate. Kolloen’s work is less tendentious
than Jørgen Haugan’s recent Solgudens Fall: Knut Hamsun - En litterær biografi [The Fall of the Sun-God: Knut Hamsun—A Literary Biography], as it prefers to let
the readers draw their own connections among the mass of biographical
and historical facts. For a supplementary interpretive argument, readers can look
to Žagar’s critical study, which makes the case that Hamsun’s notions of race and
gender connect his wide-ranging literary production and his repellant worldview.
Žagar, by utilizing interdisciplinary theoretical frameworks to analyze Hamsun’s fiction
and politics, makes an important contribution to Hamsun studies. Her book might seem
to fall in line with the tradition of ideological criticism of Hamsun’s fiction (most
of which is not available in English), in that Žagar refuses to disconnect the author’s
adored literature from his reactionary and eventually fascist politics. Yet, unlike
the shopworn Marxist readings of Hamsun’s politics and literature, Žagar directs attention
to Hamsun’s views on race and gender as elements of his fiction that are connected
to his cultural and political allegiance to Nazism. Her critical stance thus owes
more to recent academic discourses in gender studies and postcolonial theory than
to any recognizably Marxist critical framework. By employing “the bifocal lens of
race and gender” (11) and by including less canonical Hamsun texts, Žagar offers a
persuasive account of
Hamsunʼs ideological position and illuminates his career-long participation in reactionary,
racist, and patriarchal discourses.
Žagar adds to the discussion of Hamsun’s racial and ethnic attitudes by contextualizing
them in early twentieth-century discourses of racial science, eugenics, and degeneration.
Her chapter on “Discourses of Race and Primitivism in Scandinavia” offers a useful
view of this overlooked context, including proponents of “racial hygiene” such as
the Norwegian Jon Alfred Mjøen. Hamsun admired the Danish doctor Konrad Simonsen’s
1917 book Den moderne mennesketype (39), which was influenced by the Austrian anti-Semite Otto Weininger and the German
polymath
Walter Rathenau. Simonsen’s cultural critique of modernity opposed the liberal belief
in Western progress, arguing that “material gains in Western modernity entailed a
loss in intuition and soul, transforming
forever the character of mankind” and that “modern Western man is a restless, empty,
and soul-less creature” (39). These ideas obviously chimed with Hamsun’s neo-romantic
dissatisfactions with modernity,
especially as represented by the Anglo-American world. Further, Simonsen lamented
“the decline of the Germanic civilization,” decrying the mixing of races in urban
areas and the sin of sexual contact between
races. Žagar argues convincingly that Simonsen’s work “contains much the same racial
imaginary that informs Hamsun’s texts, an imaginary
that attributes sexuality, promiscuity, and a lack of civilized self-restraint, as
well as slyness and cunning, to so-called primitives” (40). Race mixing was for Hamsun
a negative aspect of urban (and American) modernity;
immigration and racial contact were unfortunate results of the increase in communications
and migration in industrial society. Although Hamsun was also fascinated by aspects
of modern mobility, his representations of racial others “create an image of general
degeneration” according to Žagar (32).
In a chapter called “Hamsun’s Women as Scapegoats for Modernity’s Sins,” Žagar argues
that Hamsun’s insecurity about modern progress motivated his antagonism
towards women’s liberation and increased gender equality. In his fiction and plays,
Hamsun projects his suspicion about this aspect of modern social change onto the female
figures, showing how this chaotic element of modern society needs to be tamed and
recontained to counteract degeneration. Chapters on Hamsun’s imagination of American
Indians and African-Americans reinforce Žagar’s argument about Hamsun’s “racial imaginary.”
She also examines how Hamsun’s complex travel narrative, I Æventyrland, displays an Orientalist dream of authentic experience in the East as a revitalizing
antidote to the rationalist modernity of the West. In that text, Hamsun also offers
a partial critique of Western imperialism (140), which is linked to his omnipresent
hostility to the perceived arrogance of the British.
In primitivist discourses, the non-European was often imagined as a coherent and healthy
figure, as opposed to the fragmented and degenerate Western individual (43). Žagar
points out that Norway’s marginal and “wild” position in Europe could also serve as
a site of this sort of primitivism. Thus Norway
could imagine itself as a natural or authentic periphery to the over-civilized Continental
centres, where exhaustion, nervousness, and other symptoms of modern degeneration
were more visible. Žagar sees a parallel between Hamsun’s Scandinavian primitivism
(or imaginary self-primitivization) and the Orientalist projection of natural wholeness,
health, and vigour onto distant non-European places.
In an analysis that ranges over many less-frequently discussed and non-canonical Hamsun
texts, Žagar allows us to see a pattern of thought on race and gender that is obviously
distasteful to contemporary readers. In a typical formulation, she writes, “Hamsun
created a rather consistent worldview in which white patriarchs stand alone
battling women and exotic others, a regressive worldview that has much in common with
the tenets of what has been called primordial fascism” (124). She ultimately shows
how Hamsun’s racist and primitivist worldview was part of his
decision to support the Nazi occupation of Norway (122). In the chapter on the interwar
period and the occupation, Žagar challenges a number
of apologetic myths about Hamsun’s situation, such as the claim that he lived in isolation
from actual politics and did not realize the true message of Nazism or Norway’s
Nasjonal Samling. Instead, she shows that Hamsun knew very well what Quisling and his party stood
for in terms of their anti-Semitism and their fantasy of a cultural revolution that
would regenerate the Germanic world. Her astute and level-headed analysis of Hamsun’s
interwar cultural opinions and political views makes the question that still appears
in the Norwegian press as a real matter of dispute—“was Hamsun a Nazi?”—seem like
a willful bit of apologetic obfuscation, because the answer is a clear
yes. (She also criticizes Kolloen for posing this question without a clear affirmative
answer.) As she writes,
George Mosse’s colorful metaphor describing how German men and women fell into the
Reich’s arms like ripe fruit from a tree fittingly describes Hamsun’s willingness
to collaborate. Was Hamsun a Nazi? Yes. It is disappointing to see the discussion
reignited within the humanities every so often, as if the legal indictment and Hamsun’s
actions and writings need additional clarification. He is no enigma, but it might
well be that certain critics and readers crave a narrative about a mysterious genius.
(228)
It should be clear that this conclusion does
not relegate all of Hamsun’s literary corpus to the category of Nazi literature, nor
is it intended to do anything so sweeping. Žagar states the case with characteristic
directness: “Hamsun’s fiction is not fascist or Nazi per se, but it is not nonpolitical
or nonideological,
either” (231). While some readers might object that Žagar’s content analysis of Hamsun’s
literature
repeats a flaw of earlier ideological criticism—it gives insufficient attention to
formal aspects of the fiction—she offers compelling defenses of her reading practices
and useful criticisms of formalist approaches.
Kolloen, a Norwegian journalist, spent years with a team of researchers to produce
two volumes of biography, Hamsun Svermeren (2003) [Hamsun, The Dreamer] and Hamsun Erobreren (2004) [Hamsun, The Conqueror], which together reach almost a thousand pages, but
were abridged in Norwegian as
Drømmer og erobrer (2005). The shortened version makes for fascinating reading for readers familiar
or unfamiliar with Hamsun’s story. The translators, Deborah Dawkin and Erik Skuggevik,
have chosen to use the alliterative title Knut Hamsun: Dreamer and Dissenter, although dissenting is rather distinct from conquering. English readers should be
grateful that this biography makes such a large amount of research material available,
in accordance with Kolloen’s twofold approach of presenting “as many facts as possible”
and ensuring that “the storytelling urge has not disrupted the factual base” (x).
Some readers may wish that the author had chosen an approach less hostile to storytelling,
and some may be frustrated by Kolloen’s reluctance to provide interpretive commentary
or argument about the relationship between Hamsun’s literature and his political thought.
Granted, Kolloen’s objective is to keep his role as positivistic biographer separate
from the role of historical literary critic, but one often wishes for more than the
plot summaries and commonplace observations he offers in his treatment of Hamsun’s
fiction. In “Dikter og Politiker,” an afterword found only at the end of the second
unabridged Norwegian volume, Kolloen
presents fifteen brief statements about Hamsun’s life and literature. Most of them
are quite banal—that Hamsun’s life is actually of importance in addition to his literature,
that a biography can show how his political opinions developed, that his Nazi-friendly
actions were not enigmatic or the result of illness or old age, and so on. Yet, despite
the depth of research he draws on, Kolloen remains equivocal about Hamsun’s status
as a Nazi and anti-Semite. Kolloen’s reasoning regarding the latter is that, on the
one hand, Hamsun helped Jewish friends personally, but on the other hand he “did not
distance himself” from the genocide being committed by the political power he supported
(457). The two hands here are not quite equivalent in importance; helping Jewish friends
privately hardly makes up for “not distancing oneself” from the Holocaust while also
publicly extolling Nazism. It is irresponsible of Kolloen
to equivocate in this way. In the end, the Yale edition is certainly laudable for
bringing a major biography to an English public that still has too few options for
learning about Knut Hamsun, but readers will have to look beyond the biography itself
for a satisfying argument about his literature and politics.
The problem with Hamsun is that he commands our attention as a brilliant modern writer
who influenced an entire generation of European writers across the ideological spectrum
with his most canonical works, but who also produced a large body of lesser literature
that displays a distasteful racist and patriarchal worldview. And of course, he made
political decisions based on ideological convictions that are so clearly offensive
that, even at a recent Hamsun conference, it was asked why we still read this most
problematic of modern masters. Taken together, Kolloen’s biography and Žagar’s study
offer the English reader a useful map of this uncomfortable terrain.