In her wars with Turkey Catherine II conquered an area known as Novorossiia, or New Russia, in what today is Southern Ukraine. In order to consolidate its claim
to this territory, the Russian government encouraged colonization. Many of the colonists
were ethnic Germans, a number of whom belonged to various religious sects. The first
Germans to settle the area were Hutterites from Austria, who arrived via Transylvania
in 1755 and Wallachia in 1767. These groups were followed by 228 families of Mennonites,
who arrived in 1787. By 1845 there were about 100,000 Mennonites in the Ekaterinoslav,
Kherson, and Tauria guberniias (Palij 48). At the time of the 1897 census there were 378,000 German-speakers living
in this area (Sushko 34). The imperial authorities regarded them as model farmers
and they were widely admired for their efficiency. About the same time an entire Swedish
village was brought down to southern Ukraine from Estonia. These
Estonian Swedes were descendents of settlers who had crossed the Baltic Sea in the
early Middle Ages. This group left the island of Dagö in the fall of 1781. In the
spring of 1782, a much-diminished group of settlers arrived on their new lands in
the Kherson region. There they set up a Swedish village which came to be known as
Gammalsvenskby. The explanations given for the emigration differ, but a combination of intimidation
and opportunity seems the likely cause.
There was a conflict between the Dagö Swedes and Count Karl Magnus Stenbock, who wanted
serfdom extended to the free Swedish peasants. At the same time Grigorii Potemkin,
Catherine II’s favourite, offered free land in southern Ukraine.
The Swedes made the journey to Ukraine by foot, through the Russian winter. These
early Swedish colonists faced a very harsh life, struggling to make a living in a
new and unknown environment. The first years brought incredible hardship to the villagers;
between 935 and 1207 people left Dagö in 1781, but only 535 arrived at their final
destination in 1782. In March 1783, after various diseases had taken their toll, only
135 people remained, 71 men and 64 women (Hedman 13,17; Hedman and Åhlander 2003 46).
To this number, another 31 Swedes, prisoners of war from Gustav III’s war with Russia,
were added in 1790. However, the impact of this latter group was marginal. By 1795,
only five of these 31 individuals remained (Hedman 19; Hedman and Åhlander 2003 50;
Bjelf 14-18).
In Ukraine, the Swedes were joined in 1804 by a group of German colonists. The Germans
set up a number of colonies in their immediate neighbourhood, such as the Lutheran
Mühlhausendorf (1804), Schlangendorf (1806), and the Catholic Klosterdorf (1805) (Kas’ianenko
187; Hedman 20-21). All in all, in the Kherson area between 1804 and 1883 German colonists
founded 41 villages (Kas’ianenko 18). Some of the Swedes intermarried with their German
neighbours, but despite the small size of the group, the Swedes managed to keep their
culture and language alive in isolation. Much like their German-speaking neighbors,
they were good farmers, and their standard of living was higher than that of the local
Slavs. Lev Trotsky, who himself grew up in the Kherson province, pointed out the sharp
differences between the efficiency of the neat German settlements and the rather backward
agricultural practices of the local Slavic peasants (Weeks 89). The efficiency and
relative prosperity
of the Germans made many Slavic peasants look at them with envy and perceive them
as something of a threat (Weeks 222). After the outbreak of World War I, the Russian
empire became increasingly “nationalized.” As national differences were emphasized,
Germans were increasingly seen as “aliens”
and outsiders. All German organizations were outlawed, along with all publications
in German. Even public conversations in German were banned. Villages and settlements
were given Russian names and, beginning in 1915, many Germans were deported to Siberia,
the Ural mountains and the Volga region (Sushko 34). Imperial Decrees of February
2, 1915, forced farmers in settlements set up by former German, Austrian or Hungarian
subjects or by immigrants of German descent in areas adjacent to the western border
to register their properties and sell them within six months to two years (Lohr 100).
This applied to an enormous area stretching 160 kilometers along the
border of the Russian empire from Norway all the way down to Persia. Most of the Kherson
guberniia was located in this zone, thus these laws applied to the vicinity of Gammalsvenskby
(Lohr 101).
Although the Swedish farms were not expropriated, largely due to the chaos and disintegration
of the Russian Empire, it was clear that the political situation was changing rapidly.
The relative stability of the nineteenth century was coming to an end. The political
situation had become very uncertain.
The collapse of Russia in World War I was followed by a brutal Civil War, when German
and Swedish villages were attacked and looted by all sides. Their riches had made
them attractive targets: “In the German villages there were more horses and hogs in
the barns, more lard and
hams in the pantries, more white flour and sunflower oil in their storerooms, more
fur coats and carpets in the homes” (Peters 107). For long periods during the civil
war the front stood along the Dnipro River. Neither
the Reds, nor Denikin and Wrangel’s White armies had much love for these settlements
of “aliens” and plundered them freely and with little, if any, risk of being punished.
Particularly
troublesome for the Gammalsvenskby Swedes were the activities of the “green” side
in the conflict.
Svenska Canada-Tidningen specifically mentioned Nestor Makhno’s anarchists, who disproportionately targeted
the German settlements in the region (Peters 107).
[The] poor communities along the river had plenty of experience of all the horrors
of war. Especially as a number of loose troop detachments, such as those standing
under the command of the famous robber general Macknow [sic] did not behave as regular
troops, but rather as—and indeed they were—pure hordes of bandits with murder, plundering
and blackmail as their main ambition. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen, September 26, 1929, 3)
Neither were Gammalsvenskby’s experiences of the provisional government particularly
positive. Its weak rulers were unable to stabilize the situation:
When Kerinski [sic] came to power it was generally believed that things would get
better. But pretty soon it turned out that Kerinski [sic] was just another well-meaning
talker incapable of initiative or action. Any improvement in the existing poor conditions
was impossible. At the so-called elections the people had to vote for the candidates
approved by the government. If this was not done you lost your right to vote. It got
worse and worse. Children were taken from their parents and put in public kindergartens.
If their parents dared to voice opposition, they had their voting privileges taken
away. This meant being sentenced to a slow but certain death, since necessities were
only handed out to those with ration cards. If one lost the right to vote one also
lost the ration cards and therefore any chance of surviving. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen March 20, 1930, 2)
World War I, the Civil War and the Sovietization, which began in the late 1920s, meant
hard times for the villagers. At the same period, the Soviet policies towards national
minorities in the 1920s, meant that the Swedish character of the village was recognized
and respected by the Soviet authorities. The Swedes received their own national village
soviet in 1926, in which the Swedish language was used (Martin 38, 40; Mace 215).
In this early period many of the peasants in Gammalsvenskby were sympathetic to Lenin’s
policies (Runwall and Hagert 68). However, this political liberalization was short-lived,
and after a few years of relative tranquility in 1928 Stalin initiated his revolution
from above. Agriculture was to be collectivized, five-year plans introduced and society
reshaped to its foundations. While the revolutions of 1917 had fundamentally altered
the system of government, the Stalinist revolution ten years later affected all aspects
of everyday life for the
people in the Soviet Union. As Sheila Fitzpatrick puts it:
In the most prosaic terms of everyday life, Russia had been changed by the First Five-Year
Plan upheavals in a way that it had not been changed by the earlier revolutionary
experience of 1917-1920. In 1924, during the NEP interlude, a Muscovite returning
after ten years’ absence could have picked up his city directory (immediately recognizable,
because its old design and format had scarcely changed since the prewar years) and
still have had a good chance of finding listings for his old doctor, lawyer, and even
stockbroker, his favorite confectioner (still discreetly advertising the best imported
chocolate), the local tavern and the parish priest, and the firms which had formerly
repaired his clocks and supplied him with building materials or cash registers. Ten
years later, in the mid 1930s, almost all these listings would have disappeared, and
the returning traveler would have been further disoriented by the renaming of many
Moscow streets and squares. If he
looked hard enough, he might perhaps have discovered his old clock-repairer working
for a co-operative or state trust, and his old doctor employed in a municipal health
department or medical research institute. But only a part of prerevolutionary Moscow
and old Russia remained by the mid 1930s, either visible or hidden behind a Soviet
facade. Another part had disappeared forever. (136)
Although this is a description of Moscow, the centre of Soviet power, the changes
in the countryside and in the provinces were equally enormous. For the majority of
the Gammalsvenskby Swedes these were not welcome changes, and they followed fifteen
years of hardship. The wars and infighting had taken such a horrendous toll on the
population that by 1929 the people of Gammalsvenskby found the situation intolerable.
They now saw no other solution than to leave the Soviet Union. Later that year the
population of the colony received permission to emigrate from the Soviet Union and
resettle in Sweden.
While the majority of the Gammalsvenskby Swedes seized this opportunity, their experiences
in Sweden varied. For many villagers the change of environment was hard to accept.
The differences between their conservative peasant life in their isolated village
and the modern, industrialized and increasingly secular Sweden were sharp and hard
to get used to. Few of them had seen a radio. Bikes were a rare sight in the village
(Runwall and Hagert 99). There had only been one motorized vehicle, a truck, in Gammalsvenskby.
The villagers referred to it by the Russian word Samokat’ [the Self-perpetuator] (Interview with John Hoas, Meadows, MB, June 1, 2004). Others
found it hard to accept the break-up of the communal lifestyle as the Gammalsvenskby
people were separated and assigned jobs in various parts of Sweden, often as underpaid
hired hands, housemaids and even statare.
As is often the case in immigrant narratives, homesickness and a sense of alienation
tormented many of these Swedish settlers. Soon after their arrival in Sweden, a substantial
number of the Gammalsvenskby people expressed a desire to return, and left for Soviet
Ukraine in three waves within two years of their arrival in Sweden. Others were eager
to set up a new Gammalsvenskby in Canada (Utas 230; Bjelf 21).
While several books have been dedicated to the community of Gammalsvenskby people
in Sweden and the returnees to Soviet Ukraine, the story of the Canadian Gammalsvenskby
Swedes has received considerably less attention (see Hedman and Åhlander 1993; Hedman
and Åhlander 2003, Runwall and Hagert). Today, over 75 years after leaving Soviet
Ukraine, only a handful of the original immigrants to Canada remain. Their story is
a fascinating account of multiple—or chain—migrations, and about the desire of a small
group to keep its unique culture alive. For many of them, this migratory process was
an attempt to recreate a world they had lost.
After a year in Sweden a number of Gammalsvenskby Swedes set off for Canada and duly
settled in and around Wetaskiwin, Alberta. The provinces of Alberta and British Columbia
had witnessed two previous waves of Gammalsvenskby immigration in the 1880s and 1890s
(Hedman 52; Hedman and Åhlander 1993 449-452). These waves of immigration had been
triggered by imperial Russian policies such as mandatory military conscription for
men but also by a shortage of arable land. The Gammalsvenskby people had followed
in the footsteps of Mennonites from the same area who had begun emigrating to Canada
in the 1880s (Hedman 29; Hedman and Åhlander 2003 449). Between 1885 and 1926 about
30 Gammalsvenskby families had settled in Alberta and British Columbia and in 1929
there were some 200 Gammalsvenskby Swedes in Canada, of whom no fewer than 170 lived
in Alberta, the remainder living in British Columbia (Hedman and Åhlander 2003 176).
The first of them had arrived as early as 1885. By
1930, many of them had become prosperous farmers (Canada Posten September 10, 1929, 5; Hedman 29). They had been among the “true” pioneers in Alberta,
and made up a significant portion of the province’s Swedish
population. Many of them remained in close contact with their relatives back in Ukraine. According to Helge Nelson, the Gammalsvenskby Swedes and their descendants made up
20 per cent of the Swedish farmers in Alberta by 1930 (359). The early
Gammalsvenskby settlers in Alberta were soon followed by Swedish pioneers from the
United States and Sweden proper. The area south of Edmonton has been referred to as
the Minnesota of Canada, due to the strong Swedish presence (Beijbom 157). Place names
such as Malmo, Thorsby, Calmar, Warburg and Falun reflect the Swedish heritage of
the area. By 1930, this area had a lively Swedish community. The attraction of the “Scandinavian”
areas of Alberta was strong on Gammalsvenskby Swedes, alienated and dissatisfied
as
they were with their lot in Sweden.
The history of the Swedish-Canadian community has been covered in some detail by Lars
Ljungmark, who based a 1994 study on a review of the major Swedish newspaper Svenska Canada-Tidningen and its predecessors. His study leaves out the other major Swedish paper in prairie Canada, Canada Posten, and makes no mention whatsoever of the plight of the Gammalsvenskby Swedes. From
the very beginning Svenska Canada-Tidningen was connected to the Canadian Pacific Railroad and the Immigration Department, and
was dedicated to attracting Scandinavian immigration to Canada. Often this promotional
project was effected by the publishing of rosy accounts of successful Scandinavian
immigrants to Canada (Ljungmark 82-83). Despite being a propaganda tool for CPR, the
paper had considerable independence and pursued its own political line.
As far as I am aware, no study on the other major paper, Canada Posten, has been published. This paper was founded in 1904 by Swedish-Canadian religious
groups, who intended it as a religious bi-monthly newspaper, the initiative to set
up the paper having come from Swedish-Canadian religious groups.
In terms of the politics of the time, both papers were centre-left, reflecting the
views of a substantial number of the Scandinavian immigrants to Canada. They actively
and strongly supported the Liberal Party of Canada, which traditionally had been the
“immigrant” party. At the same time, however, they could take positions we today would
associate
with the extreme right. Canada Posten in particular was aggressively anti-Communist, occasionally pro-fascist and openly
supported the Finnish Lapua movement. Svenska Canada-Tidningen published enthusiastic articles on the far-right German Stahlhelm movement, Hitler’s anti-democratic allies and coalition partners.
Svenska Canada-Tidningen, while officially secular, was anti-Ukrainian, anti-Catholic, anti-Semitic and openly
racist. It was preoccupied with the promotion of “Swedishness” and the preservation
of the “purity” of Swedish culture in America (Ljungmark 156-158). To some extent,
these attitudes
were indicative of the Zeitgeist. Certainly, Svenska Canada-Tidningen’s enthusiastic support of forced sterilizations of the “weak-minded and mentally
insane” reflects the attitudes of the time (Svenska Canada-Tidningen, April 16, 1931, 1).
Attempting to analyze the attitude of these two papers to the Gammalsvenskby people
gives rise to a number of methodological concerns regarding how to interpret the articles.
The initial attitude was one of fascination and good will. But the politics of the
time soon had an impact. The Swedish-Canadian newspapers started to express doubt
about the Ukrainian Swedes. The story of Gammalsvenskby was treated as one of the
most important stories of the year, competing with stories on the “Match King” Ivar
Kreuger and the disease and death of Queen Victoria of Sweden. The interest
in the Gammalsvenskby Swedes peaked during the period 1929-1930. During this period,
61 articles on Gammalsvenskby were published in Svenska Canada-Tidningen and Canada Posten. Subsequently interest dropped off sharply. What were the reasons for this burst of
interest, and what caused the interest to drop off so suddenly? What caught the interest
and imagination of the Swedish-Canadian press? What aspects of the history of Gammalsvenskby
intrigued the editors and readers? And why the subsequent alienation or disinterest?
During 1929 and the first few months of 1930 a number of articles sympathetic to the
Gammalsvenskby Swedes appeared in the papers. The papers both emphasized character
traits such as honesty, modesty, religiosity and hard work when describing the people
of Gammalsvenskby. During this year, many of the articles focused on the unique and dramatic history
of Gammalsvenskby. Both papers promoted a form of “Swedishness” that was common in
Sweden in the nineteenth century, but already out of fashion in
Sweden by the 1930s, stressing Sweden’s glorious past and focusing on hero-kings and
wartime exploits, particularly under Gustav II Adolf and Karl XII in the seventeenth
and early eighteenth centuries (Ljungmark 197-198). Therefore it may not come as a
surprise that the false claim was made repeatedly that the Gammalsvenskby Swedes were
“proud”
descendants of the “brave Carolinians”—Karl XII’s soldiers who fought and lost in
Poltava in 1709 during the Great Nordic
War (Canada Posten April 29, 1930, 4). Such a claim associated Gammalsvenskby with what was commonly considered the most
glorious episodes in Swedish history: the period of Sweden as a Great Power.
The first mention of Gammalsvenskby appeared in
Canada Posten early 1929. At this time pastor Kristoffer Hoas, the leader of the Gammalsvenskby
community was visiting Sweden, officially in order to participate in a study conducted
by the National Archives of Swedish Dialects in Uppsala. While in Sweden, Hoas presented
a request by the people of Gammalsvenskby to the Swedish government, expressing their
desire to resettle in Sweden. This first article on the subject was written in a sympathetic
tone, and presented the request as an expression of an age-old and long-standing desire
to return to the land of their forefathers.
Gammalsvenskby is a tiny village of Swedes in the heart of Russia [sic] who has faithfully
preserved the language and customs of the land of their forefathers. Through generations
they have nurtured a desire to return to Sweden. The phenomenon is remarkable and
moving, from a human perspective…The people [folket] have guarded their Swedish nationality as its great and precious
possession. The
Swedes in Gammalsvenskby came from Dagö. The year was 1782. By force and with the
help of escorting Cossacks 1,200 Swedes were brought the 2,000-kilometer long way
down to the land by the Black Sea, which the Russians had conquered from Turkey…During the exodus, terrible diseases took their toll. According to the tradition,
in the tiny Russian village Roshetilavka the minister had to perform so many funerals
that the Russian population learned both the words and melody of the Swedish funeral
psalms. The
mortality remained high after the arrival, and it seemed as if Gammalsvenskby would
die out. In May and June of 1782 no less than 220 people died. In 1790 the village
received an addition of some thirty Swedish prisoners of war, but still in 1793 the
village only counted 200 inhabitants. Already at the time, when the Dagö Swedes were
brought down to Ukraine, they had started negotiations to be allowed back to Sweden.
The idea of “returning home” can thus be traced far back in time. (Canada Posten February 26, 1929, 3)
The sympathetic tone of the article reflected the attitude that this group of people
were natural members of an organic Swedish nation, who had been detached from the
larger community against their wishes and whose desire had always been to return and
re-enter the “mother” nation. No doubt this feeling was rooted in genuine concern
for the welfare of the
Gammalsvenskby people. It appears that many Swedes and Swedish-Canadians felt a sense
of community with the people of this distant colony, who had kept their identity and
clearly associated themselves with Swedish culture, despite the long separation from
the “mother country.” The papers were fascinated with the fact that this group had
preserved their language
and customs, despite the hundreds of years that had passed since the Gammalsvenskby
Swedes left mainland Sweden. This cultural fidelity contrasted sharply with the situation
in North America, where both Canadian and
American Swedes were rapidly becoming Canadianized and Americanized. The Gammalsvenskby
experience also proved that it was possible to preserve the Swedish language in the
diaspora. “The arrival of the Gammalsvenskby people in the land of their forefathers
on August
1, 1929, was considered a significant event in Sweden. When their ship docked at the
port of Trelleborg in southern Sweden they were welcomed by a large crowd, headed
by Prince Carl, who greeted them in the name of King Gustaf V. They were brought to
Jönköping, where Prime Minster Arvid Lindman delivered a speech of welcome.” (Svenska Canada-Tidningen August 15, 1929, 1)
The trip had started tragically, when 22 people, who were not considered “pure” Gammalsvenskby
Swedes were forced to remain in Soviet Ukraine (Canada Posten August 20, 1929, 1). This was a shock to these people, who had already sold their properties. Now they
were forcibly separated from friends and family. A woman, sick with tuberculosis, died soon after departure. In addition three people,
suffering from typhoid fever, had to be left behind in Constanţa, Romania. After leaving
the Soviet Union, the refugees were treated well, particularly in Romania and Hungary.
Only in Vienna were they received coldly (Canada Posten August 20, 1929, 1). Meanwhile Jews from neighboring colonies had taken over the
houses vacated by the emigrants.
Their arrival in Sweden appears to have been perceived as a major event by the Swedish-Canadian
press. Both major papers carried an article by a C.H. Lager, titled “The Tenacity
of Swedish Culture,” interpreting Swedish culture as a part of a larger Germanic culture,
in contrast
with that of the Slavs.
The colony in GammelSvenskby [sic] in Southern Russia is certainly unique: it has
been surrounded by an entirely different culture and an alien race, the Slavic race.
That the Swedes under these circumstances should have held on to Swedish language,
culture and worship is easily understood. But that they managed amidst such oppressive
social conditions to retain their Swedishness during several centuries, proves that
Germanic—like Greek—culture is actually immortal, if it is only given a chance to
exist. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen August 8, 1929, 1; Canada Posten August 20, 1929, 2)
This perspective was typical of many Swedish newspapers in North America: much of
the admiration for the tenacious Gammalsvenskby Swedes was due to their ability to
preserve both language and culture under conditions, much more oppressive than those
the North American Swedes had endured.
The Swedish colony by the Delaware River did not experience the same conditions as
their fellow countrymen in Russia, but that colony too promised and developed a great
and outstanding culture. It is only during the past few years, since the World War,
when the United States began to develop an entirely new culture, that the sons of
Svea started to feel ashamed for their mothers’ and fathers’ homeland and suddenly
became “101 percent American.” (Svenska Canada-Tidningen August 8, 1929, 1; Canada Posten August 20, 1929, 2)
Lager’s article gives a fairly good idea of the Swedish nationalism advocated in the
Swedish-Canadian press. This might be seen as an expression of Kahn’s “eastern” form
of ethnic nationalism: a resentment of Americanization and a definition of Swedishness
based upon language, culture and blood. This nationalism often had sentimental undertones.
Soon after the arrival of the Gammalsvenskby people to Sweden a poem, “Modersmålet”
[The Mother Tongue], written by one of the recent arrivals from Soviet Ukraine, appeared
in the pages
of
Svenska Canada-Tidningen:
Vi ha i tidens dunkla natt
En oförgätlig, dyrbar skatt
Att älska, vårda värna.
Det är vårt gamla modersmål, så fritt,
så rent med klang av stål,
så skönt som himlens stjärna.
|
[We have, through the dark night of the ages
An unforgettable, precious treasure
To love, nurture and protect.
It is our old mother tongue, so free,
so pure with sound of steel,
as beautiful as the star in the sky.
|
Det är en skatt, som kraft beskär,
Som genom tidens dunkel bär,
där trogen vård den röner.
Det är det starka, ljusa band,
med vilken Sveamoderns hand
förenar sina söner.
|
It is a treasure, possessing force,
carrying us through the darkness of time,
nurtured by our tender care.
It is the forceful, bright bond,
the hand, through which Mother Svea
unites her sons.
|
Må svenskan ljuda vid vår härd
och värna hjärtan på vår färd
att älska fädrens minne.
Lev evigt, dyra svenska ord,
varhelst en svensk bor på vår jord,
i hjärta, själ och sinne.
( Svenska Canada-Tidningen September 19, 1929, 4)
|
May Swedish sound in our homes
and preserve in our hearts on our journey
the love of the memory of our fathers.
May you live forever, precious Swedish word,
wherever a Swede lives on our earth,
in heart, soul and mind.]
|
Linguistic nationalism, a German import and linked to identity concepts emphasizing
race and blood, was a strong trend in contemporary Sweden. Language—as Herder argued—was seen as
a carrier of nationality, as well as a reminder that the Swedes belonged to a larger,
Germanic community. The retaining of language was associated with notions of preserving
national—or racial characteristics.
This notion followed Kahn’s model of a civic, “western” nationalism, albeit illiberal.
At the same time the “western” idea of civic nationalism also figured in the papers.
Certainly, Swedishness was
defined in terms of race, language, culture and history, categories, which transcended
the political borders of Sweden (Kummel 8-9). But alongside this “organic” Swedishness
there was also the notion, particularly among the Swedes in North America,
that being Swedish involved a certain mindset and/or political allegiance. This civic
nationalism was no less exclusive, and dependent on a strong “other” to define the
“Swedish” ethics. Even if your race and blood were “pure,” your Swedish credentials
could still be questioned. The Gammalsvenskby people were
perceived to be racially and ethnically Swedish, and they had proven this by expressing
a political and
physical allegiance to their “mother nation.” Conversely, it was also possible to
lose your Swedishness by demonstrating the “wrong” political allegiances. Being “Russian”
in spirit could apparently cancel out purity of blood:
Nearly a thousand former Russian subjects, who are Swedish in heart and soul, are
currently in the process of transferring from their homeland to the country with which
they feel the greatest spiritual belonging. Would it not be an appropriate response
then, if a corresponding number of Swedish subjects, who in heart and soul are Russians
instead left their fatherland, with which they are so dissatisfied, and moved to the
Soviet empire, with which they feel so intimately connected, and the social conditions
of which they never get tired of promoting as so incomparably superior to the Swedish…For the two countries it would be a benefit to get rid of bitterly dissatisfied citizens,
and this benefit would be mutual. (Editorial Canada Posten September 10, 1929, 4)
Thus, the hurdles to claiming Swedishness were set fairly high by the Swedish-Canadian
press. There were ethnic, religious, ethical and political requirements to be met
in order to qualify. During 1929, the Swedish-Canadian press considered the Gammalsvenskby
Swedes to be meeting all these strict qualifying criteria. Soon, however, this perception
was challenged by a number of controversies that shook the Gammalsvenskby community
shortly after their arrival in Sweden.
The first controversy was the decision by a group of about 20 Gammalsvenskby Swedes,
headed by the brothers Johan and Woldermar Utas and their brother-in-law Petter Knutas
to return to Soviet Ukraine. The communist press in Sweden, which had been very negative,
if not outright hostile to the Gammalsvenskby Swedes, now actively supported their
decision to return. This group of returnees, however, was initially denied entrance
to Soviet Ukraine, something that apparently puzzled the Swedish-Canadian press since
they considered the returnees “Bolsheviks, or at least Bolshevik-minded.” (Canada Posten November 29, 1929, 1)
On New Years’ Eve 1930, Woldemar Utas appeared on Moscow radio with a speech, in
which he harshly criticized the way he had been treated in Sweden. The speech was
aimed at foreign as well as domestic listeners, and delivered in Swedish, German and
Russian. Even the central organ of the Communist Party,
Pravda, published an article on the suffering of the Gammalsvenskby people in Sweden (
Svenska Canada-Tidningen January 30, 1930, 3; Hedman 47).
The Swedish-Canadian press had problems coming to terms with the fact that there were
people who preferred a life under socialism in Soviet Ukraine. One short notice in
Canada Posten informs the readers that the returnees had been allies of the Cheka (
Canada Posten October 22, 1929, 7). The editor’s tone towards those who wanted to stay in the West
was forgiving and conciliatory, while the returnees were referred to as “Judases”:
We cannot blame those who are looking for a refuge that a number of Russian-spirited
individuals managed to slip in among them. They had been assigned the task of returning
and uttering false testimony to return and carry false testimony against the emigrants
and against Sweden. They carried out their Judas deed. No more than their teacher
will they gain any enjoyment from their deed. (A. Svantesson, editorial Canada Posten February 4, 1930, 4)
Svenska Canada-Tidningen likewise gave the returnees considerable attention:
Along with the applications for exit visas from the Gammalsvenskby people, the Soviet
government received applications from other colonies in the enormous Soviet empire.
How to counteract this less than flattering picture of the Soviets? Some cunning person
found an answer. The Gammalsvenskby people would be allowed to leave, but accompanied
by a number of families who were reliable Bolsheviks and who after some time in Sweden
would return to Russia only to claim that the conditions in the new country were intolerable.
There were three reliable Bolsheviks among the Gammalsvenskby people: the brothers
Woldemar and Johan Utas and their brother-in-law Buskas. In Gammalsvenskby they served
in the less than savoury role of agents for the Cheka. They were therefore chosen,
and the rest of the story is only too well known to be retold here. It would be enough
to establish that the “doubts” that the Soviet authorities appeared to be experiencing
about letting them
return was another play for the galleries. The whole point was that the Utas brothers
and Knutas would, after the return to Russia, be used as prominent tools of Bolshevik
propaganda. They would present Sweden in the darkest of colors and point out the bad
treatment they had received. In case the muzhiks were complaining, they would only have to refer to Gammalsvenskby: “See how the peasants
have it in other countries, the Gammalsvenskby people are returning!” They even know
how to turn such an embarrassing event as the exodus of foreign colonists into a propaganda
for themselves! As soon as the three returning Gammalsvenskby families were back on
Russian territory, they started slinging mud at Sweden. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen January 30, 1930, 3)
If a small number of returnees were easy to dismiss as rogue dissidents or traitors,
it was harder to explain the following waves of returnees. On September 28, the evening
edition of the Leningrad paper Krasnaia Gazeta reported that an additional group of 39 Gammalsvenskby returnees had arrived in Kherson
on September 28. In turn, these returnees reported that 250 more Gammalsvenskby people
in Sweden wished to go back to Soviet Ukraine. The paper also reported that the returning
colonists were about to rename Gammalsvenskby Nya Rödsvenskby/Novoe Krasnoshvedskoe, that is, New Red Svenskby (Svenska Canada-Tidningen 23 October 1930, 1). By late November, 1930, 23 families, with over one hundred individuals
had signed petitions that they wanted to “return to Russia.” (Svenska Canada-Tidningen November 27, 1930, 1, 3)
The ambivalent attitude toward immigration on part of many of the Gammalsvenskby people
puzzled the Swedish-Canadian press. In an article of November 27, 1930,
Svenska Canada-Tidningen quoted K. Kyhlberg, the chair of
Svenskbystiftelsen, [The Gammalsvenskby Committee], to the effect that
The Gammalsvenskby people are very indecisive. Our experiences have shown, says president
Kyhlberg, that the 150 or so Gammalsvenskby families can be divided into three groups.
One group of about 110 families consists of very hard-working and able people, who
surely do not have any plans to emigrate. A second group consists of some 25 families
that are hard-working and clever but more ambivalent and influenced by propaganda.
Finally, there is a third group of about 15 families constituting the dissatisfied.
They are dishonest and not fit for permanent settlement. This is the group that causes
discord. They are a desirable and easy prey for communist propaganda. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen November 27, 1930, 1, 3)
This last group would constitute the third, and largest wave of returnees. The Swedish
Communist Party actively encouraged this group and assisted them in their desire to
return to Soviet Ukraine. They set up their own Gammalsvenskby Committee, Arbetarnas Svenskbykommitté, or the Workers’ Svenskby Committee, dedicated to assisting returning Gammalsvenskby
people and even recruiting “Swedish” Swedes to New Red Svenskby. In March, 1931, this
group requested government funding
from Prime Minister Carl Ekman to provide for the return of 198 Gammalsvenskby Swedes
(Svenska Canada-Tidningen April 2, 1931, 4). In July of 1931 the Swedish government decided to allocate government
funds for the approximately 200 Gammalsvenskby people who wished to return. However,
funds was made available only to the Gammalsvenskby people who were naturalized Swedish
citizens (Svenska Canada-Tidningen, July 9,
1931, 1).
Neither the pledges nor the prayers and tears of pastor Hoas could prevent this group
from returning (Tysk 143; Hedman and Åhlander 2003 208). 180 Gammalsvenskby people
arrived in the Soviet Union on August 19, 1931. A telegram from the Soviet News Agency
in Leningrad of October 10, 1931, was published on the front page of
Canada Posten under the headline “The Gammalsvenskby People Complain about Sweden.”
The Soviet Russian press is delighted over the fiasco of the Gammalsvenskby people.
Sweden is not one of the worst capitalist countries in the world, but nevertheless,
see how the poor Russian emigrants were treated there. Terrible! Only listen to what
they themselves have to say about this: According to a telegram from Leningrad of
October 10 “180 Gammalsvenskby people, belonging to the group, which in 1929 departed
for the land of their forefathers, Sweden, in order to settle and stay there for the
rest of their lives, returned to Russia on August 19, exhausted by the conditions
in Sweden and bitterly disappointed by everything in that land. They have now issued
an open statement to all the people of Russia, particularly to the workers and peasants,
about how thoroughly miserably they were treated by the large landholders of Sweden.
How upsetting! Instead of receiving land and animals, as promised, they had to serve
as farm servants and were subjected to
lives of outright slavery. They expressed their heartfelt joy at returning to the
care of the Soviet government.” (Canada Posten October 20, 1931, 1)
All in all, by the fall of 1931 40 families, or 243 individuals, had returned to
the village, accompanied by two dedicated Swedish communists. Thus, including the
handful of Gammalsvenskby Swedes who never left, the newly repopulated Gammalsvenskby
had some 260 villagers of Swedish descent (Tysk 10; Hedman and Åhlander 2003 222).
Dissatisfaction with life in Sweden, in addition to the pull factor that the strong
Gammalsvenskby community in Alberta exercised, led another group to seek settlement
in Canada. Initially the interest in immigration to Canada was enormous: 62 families
had signed up to immigrate (Utas 232). Economic concerns severely diminished this
group. In the end twenty Gammalsvenskby families, a total of 97 persons, settled in
Canada between 1930 and 1932 (Hedblom 40). Another reason why Canada appeared attractive
seems to have been its geographical distance from the Soviet Union, a country some
of the Gammalsvenskby people wanted to get as far away from as possible (Nels Buskas,
interview February 21, 2005).
Despite being taken care of by their own people—Gammalsvenskby immigrants from a previous
wave—many recent immigrants quickly became disillusioned with Canada and returned
to Sweden. In the end, only about 70 people of the 1930’s wave of Gammalsvenskby immigrants
stayed in Canada (Hedblom 41; Svenska Canada-Tidningen April 3, 1930, 1).
Much as in Sweden, where
Nationalinsamlingen för Svenskbyborna provided assistance, the Swedes in Canada set up their own aid committee in order
to assist the Gammalsvenskby immigrants. It was organized by the Swedish Lutheran
Canadian Conference of the Augustana Synod in association with the Canadian Colonization
Association. It adopted the name the Swedish Lutheran Aid Association. Winnipeg-based
Svenska Canada-Posten quoted an unidentified Swedish paper commenting before the emigration on the benefits
of having Swedes from the Black Sea basin resettled on the Canadian prairies: apparently,
the climate was believed to be more beneficial for them!
The conditions for agriculture are entirely different [in Sweden] than where [the
Gammalsvenskby People] live now. I am certain, that it will not be possible to transplant the Gammalsvenskby people to Swedish soil and have them
acclimatized here. The winters, for instance, will cause them much hardship, since
they are hardly accustomed to cold, snow, and ice down there in the land across from
the mild Crimea …Their relatives in Canada are fully prepared to receive them. Over there, in Western
Canada it seems as if the natural conditions for the Gammalsvenskby people to make
it are good, at least if we were to judge by the successes of their previously emigrated
relatives. Canada is—like Russia once was and can once more become—a wheat producing-country,
and its climate appears more beneficial for the Gammalsvenskby People than those we
can offer here in Sweden. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen July 25, 1929, 1)
In addition to the supposed mild climate in Alberta, there were also historical reasons
to settle there:
People [in Sweden] are not really aware that in Canada there is already a considerable
group of emigrants from Gammalsvenskby, which has reached a good economic position.
They have also longed for a larger number of their people to join them. These could
also settle in adjacent areas…Ever since the late 1800s, when a number of inhabitants from Gammalsvenskby emigrated
to Canada and were able to set up a good life there, and were able to attract even
more people from their native village, the Gammalsvenskby issue has had a serious
Canadian dimension…In Canada there already are the Buskas, Malmas, Utas, Hannas and other families from
Gammalsvenskby. If the Buskases in Gammalsvenskby join the Buskas family in Canada,
the Malmases in Gammalsvenskby join the Malmases in Canada, and so on, would this
mean ending up as strangers in a strange land? If the Buskas, Malmas, Utas and Hannas
families from Gammalsvenskby
join the families with the same names in Canada, would that mean getting further away
from “home” than being settled next to the Anderssons in Skåne, Petterssons in Småland
and Svenssons in Östergötland? Do they have weaker blood bonds to the Buskas, Malmas,
Utas, and Hannas families in Canada and stronger blood bonds to the Andersson, Pettersson,
and Svensson families in Sweden?…And do we have any guarantees that the colonists from Gammalsvenskby, once they have
worked the Swedish soil for a number of years and found it more meager and the conditions
different from those they are used to from Southern Russia will not feel that the
voice of the blood from the Canadian side will be impossible to resist?…The Swedes in Canada have an excellent chance to do something worthy of the Swedish
name and character, something that coming generations should be able to describe as
a cultural investment. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen September 5, 1929, 4)
It appears that in addition to an influx of linguistically conscious Swedish immigrants
to beef up the Swedish presence on the prairies, the editor felt that this would give
the Swedish-Canadians a chance to shine, and prove their “Swedish” spirit. The continuity
of blood, culture, and linguistic kinship ought not to be
broken, but should rather should be preserved and strengthened further. However, this
hope suffered a blow when it became clear that most Gammalsvenskby people did not
wish to go to Canada. In September, 1929, Canada Posten reported that rather than 38 of a total of 172 families, only 12 now claimed that
they were interested in emigrating to Canada (Canada Posten September 10, 1929, 4). Yet, later on that year, Canada Posten reported that the Swedish Lutheran Immigration Aid Society of Canada had been founded,
and that it was about to assist 62 families
interested in emigrating (Canada Posten December 3, 1929, 1).
Svenska Canada-Tidningen strongly approved of the opportunities this created for the Lutheran congregations
to expand their numbers (Svenska Canada-Tidningen December 5, 1929, 4). During the winter of 1929-1930 both papers reported that the
CPR had sent an invitation and offered a loan of $150,000 to the Gammalsvenskby people,
who in turn chose a committee of four people to travel to Canada on a fact-finding
mission. This committee was made up of pastor Kristoffer Hoas, John Buskas, Andreas
Buskas and Andreas Malmas. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen December 26, 1929, 1; Canada Posten January 14, 1930, 1).
Even before the arrival of the commission, a number of articles started to question
some of the Swedish credentials of the Gammalsvenskby people. This change in attitude
echoed a similar development in Sweden, where editorials on the communist left as
well as the conservative right considered Hoas’s plans for emigration to Canada an
act of disloyal ingratitude (Hedman and Åhlander 2003 204). The editor of
Svenska Canada-Tidningen quoted the conservative
Svenska Dagbladet of Stockholm, which claimed that
The racial type of these people is not clearly Swedish. It is likely that their forefathers
left Sweden in the 1100s or 1200s, and it is also likely that they mixed with alien
elements, particularly in the 1700s. Neither do [Swedish] traditions seem to have
been particularly alive in Gammalsvenskby. Indicative of this is a letter, mailed
from the village during the summer of 1849, which reads: “We do know that our forefathers
are from dago [sic], but of the trek here we know nothing; the old are all dead.”
It would be unreasonable of us a couple of generations later to demand that the Gammalsvenskby
people would have an immediate feeling for Sweden as their only true home on earth.
Other than that, it is indubitable that the Gammalsvenskby people historically, linguistically,
and ethnographically made up an alien group in a foreign land. With admirable tenacity
this small group of people has preserved its Swedish language and customs in a new
land for 150
years. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen February 13, 1930, 4)
At this time, the discussion regarding the Gammalsvenskby people was intensifying
in Sweden. The editorial in
Svenska Dagbladet reflected the growing impatience with the Gammalsvenskby Swedes in Sweden, and
Svenska Canada-Tidningen wondered whether the words of
Svenska Dagbladet were sufficient to mute the discussion regarding the behavior of the Gammalsvenskby
people. The English-language dailies in Canada received many letters to the editor
claiming that the Swedish press had warned the Gammalsvenskby people against going
to Canada (
Svenska Canada-Tidningen February 13, 1930, 4 ). The Swedish-Canadian press found these reports frustrating,
since they portrayed Sweden as anti-Canadian, and reflected poorly on the Swedish
community in Canada.
Therefore, the arrival of the leaders of the Gammalsvenskby people to Canada became
a major news story, which dominated both of the major Swedish-Canadian newspapers.
Canada Posten emphasized that the Gammalsvenskby people could easily “outdo” the Swedish-Canadians
in terms of “Swedishness” and in their sense of community. Also, it was never questioned
that that they were
good settlers, and that they would never have left their village in the first place
had it not been for the Bolsheviks, whose policies “forced these Gammalsvenskby People
to leave the land of their forefathers in order
to seek rescue in Sweden, Canada or even in the darkest Africa.” (
Canada Posten March 11, 1930, 1, 8)
Svenska Canada-Tidningen had argued the same point a few weeks earlier:
Had Stalin and his henchmen not undermined the economic position of the villagers,
taken away all rights, banned free thought and action, making his goal the total annihilation
of culture, no propaganda, no promises or bribes could have made the Gammalsvenskby
People leave their nest and abandon their beautiful village. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen January 23, 1930, 1)
This view utterly contradicted the position of
Canada Posten, expressed less than a year earlier, when the paper argued that the desire to return
to Sweden was centuries old (
Canada Posten February 26, 1929, 4).
But once in Canada, pastor Hoas seemed to become increasingly aware of the enormous
difficulties connected with a large-scale immigration to Canada. He started to waiver.
When he returned to Sweden he seemed convinced that it would not be possible to recreate
Gammalsvenskby in Canada, at least not on a large scale. There was a lot of speculation
in the Swedish-Canadian press about the hesitations Hoas began to feel during his
mission to Canada . The religious
Canada Posten tried to dispel rumors that a split within the Scandinavian protestant sects could
have been the reason for the change of attitudes. Andreas Malmas reportedly stated
that Hoas had met opposition from non-Lutheran Swedish protestants, who apparently
disliked the fact that the Lutheran Augustana Synod had sponsored their immigration.
In the discussion about why the Gammalsvenskby People have been advised not to go
to Canada we have heard much of a surprising nature. Most surprisingly, at least for
us, was that Malmas should have claimed that pastor Hoas partly had been influenced
by by ‘protestant’ congregations outside the Lutheran Church of Sweden which he claims have opposed the project because the transportation of the immigrants
was guaranteed by the Lutheran Augustana Synod.” The study commission was reportedly
also the object of a ruthless propaganda from anti-immigration circles…As far as pastor Hoas is concerned he himself has given a clear answer regarding the
reasons why the Gammalsvenskby People
were discouraged from traveling for the moment. Asked…about the claim that the delegation would have been subjected to pressure from anti-immigration
circles, pastor Hoas [answered] “That is only loose talk, as is so much else that
has been said and written during our trip to Canada. We have not been subjected to
pressure from any side. We have been able to travel and see what we wanted, and have
not noticed any propaganda from any side.”…“The main factor was that we were promised a loan which never existed.” Hoas answered
firmly…that “The Lutheran Synod in Canada is not controlling the Swedish Lutheran Aid Association
— absolutely not. Any such talk is pure nonsense.” (Canada Posten June 3, 1930, 4)
The economic conditions were less beneficial than had first been thought. In addition,
the Depression, which meant uncertain times for Canada, posed still greater difficulties
for immigrants who had already immigrated once. The cancelled Canadian plans became
something of an embarrassment for the Swedish community. The editorials in the Swedish-Canadian
press reflected this frustration:
Suddenly there has been an abrupt change in the extensive colonization plans to place
several hundred Gammalsvenskby People in Canada. The committee, headed by pastor Hoas,
which has arrived in Canada in order to arrange and prepare for the arrival of their
fellow countrymen, is now returning with “Drottningholm” [to Sweden]. The idea was
that they would stay here for a year, if needed. It is clear that at least in Sweden
this change of heart has been given plenty of attention. In large headlines the papers
have proclaimed that “Canada is not good for the Gammalsvenskby People. No land, no
work.” Anyone reading these headlines may think that suddenly we ran out of land in
Canada. But that is a very false idea. As far as we have been able to tell it is not
space that is lacking in Canada. Neither can we say that the perspectives are more
frightening than they are attractive…And we are convinced that Canada is just as good for the
Gammalsvenskby people as for any other entrepreneurial Scandinavians. The single largest
reason for the change of heart is probably to be found in misunderstandings about
what the contracts and promises really mean. The source for this misunderstanding
needs to be found, and the Swedish government ought to demand a full account…It is clear, however, that this change of heart has caused some unpleasantness for
the Gammalsvenskby People, the Canadian Pacific Railroads as well as the Swedish Lutheran
Aid Association. (Canada Posten April 29, 1930, 4))
Much publicity has been given to the temporarily stranded colonization plans. This
has given unexpected publicity to Canada—publicity which has been negative and unfair.
While this has occasioned big headlines in the Swedish press there has also been another
sensation added to this story: some of the Gammalsvenskby people, much like the Israelites
of the past, apparently wish to go back to the land of slavery and to the dangers,
which they have escaped…The Gammalsvenskby Committee faces more than one problem with these [people] who do
not seem to know what they want. (F. G. Gustafson, Canada Posten May 20, 1930, 4)
More than anything else, the main reason for Hoas’s change of heart came down to financial
concerns. The Canadian Pacific Railway could not give Pastor Hoas concrete answers
to his questions regarding the land issue (Utas 233). Already in January 1930 it was
clear that the Gammalsvenskby people desiring to emigrate to Canada would not be getting
the assistance they needed from the Swedish government. That meant that every family
who wanted to go to Canada would start their new life with a debt of $17,000. The
fact that the Study Commission under Hoas was nevertheless sent to Canada appears
merely to have been a show, intended to prevent more people from returning to Soviet
Ukraine (Hedman 49, Hedman and Åhlander 2003 201, 449. When the committee returned
after a little over a month the majority of the members agreed that it would not be
possible to recreate a new Gammalsvenskby in Canada (Hedman 50, Hedman and Åhlander
2003 202). Of the members in the Gammalsvenskby
Study Commission only Andreas Malmas disagreed. He decided to stay in Canada and assisted
the Gammalsvenskby people who, despite the hardships, had decided to emigrate to Canada
(Canada Posten April 29, 1930, 4). A total of a dozen Gammalsvenskby families arrived in Canada
in 1930. Mostly, they had to take care of themselves, and never benefited from the
assistance they had been promised (Canada Posten June 3, 1930, 4). It appears that most of the people who decided to emigrate to Canada
after Hoas returned to Sweden already had family connections in Canada, primarily
among the first wave of Gammalsvenskby immigrants that had arrived there in the 1880s
and 1890s. Most of them soon became members of a larger community with a mixed population.
Wetaskiwin, Alberta, had a large Swedish population, and the Gammalsvenskby people
were able to participate in many of the activities in that Scandinavian community.
There was,
however, one smaller group that did not want to give up their dream of a Canadian
Gammalsvenskby. Led by Andreas Malmas, a group of nine families decided to move to
Meadows, Manitoba. (Svenska Canada-Tidningen April 6, 1931, 1; Hedman and Åhlander 2003 459.)
There they purchased an abandoned industrial farmstead called Camp 1, about 25 miles
from Winnipeg, where they—ironically enough—set up a collective farm (Hedblom 1999
43; Hedman 50; Hedman and Åhlander 2003 458-459). The reason for this decision was
primarily economical, since the absence of financial support from Sweden meant that
they had to pay back the debts from the purchase of the farmstead over a period of
22 years. Andreas Malmas remained the leader of this group until his death (Hedblom
44). An additional three families accompanied them within a year, but did not stay
long. Two more families arrived in 1932, only to return to Sweden in a few years (Hedman
50). But the settlers who stayed were successful in re-establishing something resembling
the world they had left behind. They called the homestead Lilla Svenskby [Little Swedish
Village] and maintained the old traditions of Gammalsvenskby (Hedman 50; Hedman and
Åhlander 2003 458). The sanctity of the
Sabbath was strictly honoured, and every other Sunday until 1953 a Lutheran Minister
came out to Lilla Svenskby to conduct services in Swedish (Hedblom 45; Hedman and
Åhlander 2003 460). A favourite pastime was singing. The group sang psalms from the
Old Swedish Hymnals of 1695 and 1819 in addition to songs in the Gammalsvenskby dialect
(Hedblom 46). The collective farm was dissolved in 1953, and the land and equipment were divided
among the colonists. By then, they had planted over 25,000 trees, and turned Meadows
into a modern farming community (Hedblom 45). The Depression years were hard for the
community. Yet even if it was not profitable to sell wheat or hogs on the market during
these years, Lilla Svenskby was self-sustaining. They had plenty of eggs, meat and
milk.
Pastor Hoas never really gave up on his plans to resettle a substantial part of the
Gammalsvenskby Swedes in Canada. Around 1933, as the economy began improve somewhat,
he once again attempted to arrange an exodus to Canada. But by then, the Gammalsvenskby
people had started to feel at home on their farms in Sweden, and his efforts elicited
little response from the community. On the contrary, Sweden appealed to the Gammalsvenskby
people in Canada, and six families returned to Sweden (Hedman 50).
Despite the remarkable achievements of the hard-working colonists, in one respect
Lilla Svenskby failed. The Gammalsvenskby Swedish dialect began dying out after the
first generation of pioneers. In this respect, the situation in Manitoba was very
different from what it had been in Ukraine. The children of the immigrants grew up
as Canadians, and used English as their first language. By the 1960s, there was a
new pastor at Zion Lutheran Church, who did not know Swedish, and the language of
the service now became English. This development was a disappointment to the pioneers
of Lilla Svenskby, who felt their language was taken away from them (Hedblom 45).
In 2004, John Hoas, born in 1913, is one of the very last surviving Gammalsvenskby
Swedish speakers in Meadows. “We kept our language for hundreds of years in Estonia
and Ukraine. But here in Canada
the Swedes lost their language after one generation.” (Personal interview with John
Hoas, June 1, 2004) The language of communication in Lilla Svenskby is now almost
exclusively English.
Already in the 1960s, when the original settlers spoke to their children in the Gammalsvenskby
dialect, they answered in English (Hedblom 43).