Barbara Helen Miller’s new edited collection, Idioms of Sámi Health and Healing, brings together a number of interdisciplinary scholars who have done research on
contemporary vernacular and religious healing traditions in Sápmi, the Sámi homeland
region. Part of a series of scholarly books on northern and circumpolar health traditions,
this work is based upon a set of presentations given at a symposium at the University
of Tromsø in 2010. Aiming to cultivate more effective and culturally responsive health
care in Sámi communities, the volume’s contributors draw upon their own profoundly
rich ethnographic work, their own diverse theoretical and disciplinary backgrounds,
and their own experiences as community insiders. In addition to the religious psychologist
Miller, contributors include folklorist Stein R. Mathisen, social anthropologist Marit
Myrvoll, medical anthropologists Mona Anita Kiil and Trine Kvitberg, Sámi scholar
Anne Karen Hætta, postcolonial theorist Britt Kramvig, psychotherapist Kjell Birkely
Andersen, civil engineer and traditional “helper” Sigvald Persen, and nursing studies
scholar Randi Nymo.
Idioms of Sámi Health and Healing offers a valuable scholarly contribution in a number of critical topics within the
health sciences, including the lived contemporary reality of Sámi traditional healing,
the effective provision of Western health care in Indigenous communities, and the
importance of belief and cultural worldview in health care. The collection includes
postcolonial critiques of representations of Sámi healing traditions in colonial scholarship
(Mathisen), surveys of principles and techniques involved in Sámi traditional healing
(Hætta; Myrvoll; Miller; Kramvig), and depictions of the sometimes tense relationship
between allopathic and traditional
healing in Sámi communities today (Andersen, Persen, and Miller; Kvitberg; Kiil).
Particular emphasis is paid to patient narratives and their experiences negotiating
co-existing traditional and Western medical systems, the stigmatization of traditional
healing by the medical establishment, and the social and cultural protocols that work
around the complexes of traditional healing.
Such a compiled ethnographic work on contemporary Sámi healing traditions is long
overdue, and it complements re-emerging scholarly and popular interest in Sámi traditional
healing that has grown in tandem with the rise of decolonization theory. Miller’s
collection represents an important step in cultivating dialogue within the professional
and academic spheres about cultural responsiveness in health care. As many of the
contributors note, open discussion of traditional healing practice has been held underground
for a variety of reasons, from the criminalization of traditional religious healing
practices in the 17th and 18th centuries, to more recent medical quackery laws banning
anyone other than licensed doctors and dentists from treating health problems. Still
enforced in Sweden, and repealed in Norway only in 2003, these quackery laws are
inclusive of Sámi traditional healing along with a number of alternative medicines.
Whereas some Indigenous communities are now working to place traditional healers into
clinical settings in locations such as Alaska or New Mexico, many Sámi patients still
do not dare discuss traditional healing with Western doctors. Numerous stories recounted
in this collection tell of doctors who deride traditional healing and belittle their
patients for consulting Sámi healers, damaging doctor-patient relations and ultimately
serving as a detriment to administering effective health care.
Because the project takes root from a symposium, the individual chapters are self-professedly
a bit “untidy” (x), presenting many separate snapshots and case studies, sometimes
with substantial
overlap, instead of a collective whole. While this approach works well in letting
the individual scholars’ best ethnographic work shine, it also somewhat marginalizes
certain important aspects to Sámi conceptions of health and healthful living. For
example, the majority of the ethnographic works focus on contemporary Læstadian religious
healing traditions—through prayer, reading incantations, and other ritual magic.
Yet there is little mention of ethnobotanical and zootherapeutic medicine, also of
great historical importance and still in use today, nor of varieties of home remedies
and practical vernacular conceptions of healthy and unhealthy lifeways, which constitute
a large percentage of health care administered in any cultural setting. Collectively,
the emphasis on Læstadian healing also marginalizes the enduring and long-term subcultural
resistance to missionization practiced by individuals or in small groups and the emerging
and controversial Sámi neo-shamanic community that also does healing work for their
Sámi and non-Sámi constituents. Although the narrowed focus is appropriately rationalized
as being representative of the most common Sámi healing traditions, it unfortunately
closes doors on some of the cultural revitalization and decolonization efforts that
have proved effective elsewhere in restoring lost traditional Indigenous healing practices.
The work is definitively Nordic in nature with rich ethnographic background and positivistic
theoretical approach. Unfortunately, Nordic universities have been slow to embrace
the numerous postcolonial critiques of positivistic research, and for this reason
the contributors are somewhat limited by their ability to fully engage with the last
fifteen years of scholarship in the field of Indigenous studies. Instead, several
contributors turn toward social and cultural theory now several decades old, in order
to do the difficult labour—to invoke Audre Lorde—of using the master’s tools to dismantle
the master’s house. Such challenges are indicative of the racism found in Nordic
universities, wherein Western cultural assumptions and methodologies are unchallenged
as objective and factual and Indigenous ones are held to be subjective and ideological.
This tone is established even in Earle Waugh’s preface, in which several reasons are
given to justify the study of Sámi healing traditions (i.e., to use traditional medicine
to improve allopathic medicine; to “assist cultural change” (xiv) before traditional
life ways are lost to colonial domination). None of these reasons
openly concede the efficacy of Sámi traditional healing practice, despite the fact
the following ethnographic chapters detail countless examples of its successful uses.
Likewise, these reasons also fail to mention that Sámi traditional healing is a legitimate
and complex Indigenous science that has been developed over the course of millennia
through processes of experimentation and knowledge production. Recent ethnobotanical
scholarship has, for instance, demonstrated the clinical effectiveness of medical
remedies found in the writings of Johan Turi (Dubois and Lang). Indigenous health
scholarship will grow by leaps and bounds when it no longer needs
to apologize for and defend its own legitimacy and when it can be accepted with equal
station to allopathic medicine.
Although much work still needs to be done in order to decolonize the way scholars
conceptualize and write about health care, Miller’s collection offers an important
accomplishment in challenging racism in Nordic health care and in offering groundbreaking
contemporary ethnographic work to a wide English-speaking audience. Most of the chapters
work excellently as standalone pieces suitable for undergraduate and graduate courses,
and the work will be of particular value for those researchers working in Arctic studies,
circumpolar development or sustainability studies, and for those working to improve
culturally responsive care in contemporary clinical settings.